Pillar: Financial Markets

Landscape of Climate Finance in Ethiopia

Being Africa’s sixth largest and fastest growing economy, Ethiopia has shown a strong commitment to being a middle-income country by 2025. Since the launch of the Climate Resilient and Green Economy (CRGE) strategy in 2011, it has established a rich policy landscape coupling economic growth with climate change action. Ethiopia’s ambitious climate targets are focused on ensuring low-carbon energy development, conservation of its vast forest reserves, and practicing climate smart agriculture, while mainstreaming adaptation and resilience as a key priority.

This report provides a deep dive analysis of the landscape of climate finance in Ethiopia in 2019/2020. Following an overview of climate relevant strategies and plans in the country to date along with financing needs (Section 1), it provides an in-depth analysis of climate finance flows in Ethiopia mapped across its value chain i.e. from sources, financial instruments, and their end uses and sectors (Section 2). The analysis is based on the methodology and database developed by CPI for the Landscape of Climate Finance in Africa (CPI, 2022). While data gaps, especially on the domestic budget expenditure and private investments limits a comprehensive assessment, the aim of the study is to inform and facilitate discussions among policymakers and public and private financiers, identifying gaps and opportunities for scaling climate finance in Ethiopia.

Strengthening the effectiveness of Uganda’s consumer protection framework: mystery shopping assessment of credit cost disclosures

Uganda has made substantial advancements in financial consumer protection policy in recent years but understanding whether and how the financial sector complies with these new regulations can be a challenge in the absence of systematic monitoring. Setting rules is insufficient to ensure proper market conduct, so supervision of sales visits is needed to ensure that the rules established are upheld in practice.

To provide a snapshot of current practices and compliance with existing guidelines on consumer credit information provision at the point of sale, we have worked with FSD Uganda and Innovations for Poverty Action (IPA) to conduct a “mystery shopping” exercise of lending institutions in three districts of Uganda.

IPA recruited and trained shoppers fitting profiles reflecting typical Ugandan borrowers. Shoppers portrayed a range of personas and scenarios—limited versus advanced borrowing knowledge, business versus personal borrowing need, male versus female, and varying loan amount requests—to measure how such differences would impact the products shoppers were offered and the information disclosed by loan officers. IPA also analyzed publicly available data on the cost of credit published by the
Bank of Uganda in order to complement the findings.

The study finds that information on product cost, including the interest rate and the total cost of credit, was not consistently provided by loan officers; pricing information on the loan product was not always forthcoming: only half of the eligible mystery shoppers were informed of the total cost of credit and only 69% of loan officers provided information about interest rates without being prompted.

Based on these findings, the report offers ten key policy recommendations for regulators and financial sector providers in order to increase transparency, promote adherence to consumer protection regulation, harmonise policy approaches and create an enabling environment for simplified loan products.

Cost of credit for financial institutions – case studies in Ghana and Zambia

The overall cost of providing credit is high both in Ghana and Zambia. In 2018, the cost of credit relative to their average portfolio ranges between 26% and 103% for the Ghanaian institutions and between 53% and 80% for the Zambian institutions in the study.

There is a high diversity of the cost of credit across different types of institutions and different credit products. Economies of scale contribute to lower costs of credit.

The cost of operations is the main component of the cost of credit amongst the institutions studied. It varies widely, from between 37% to 80% amongst the institutions, due to two internal factors: product portfolio composition and composition of operational expenses.

Banks that provide credit to corporates have relatively lower operational costs than those providing credit to micro-enterprises and personal loans. Further, staff costs dominate the cost of operations, contributing on average to 52% of total costs.

The cost of funds is driven by the ability to attract cheap sources of funding. Deposits are the cheapest source of funding, but blend financing is also attractive.

There is a high variation in the cost of risk, attributed to both internal and external factors.

Viability of gender bonds in sub-Saharan Africa

A landscape analysis and feasibility assessment

Gender bonds are broadly defined as bonds that support the advancement, empowerment and equality of women, though no official definition exists. Like other themed bonds, they can be issued as senior unsecured notes referencing the balance sheet of the issuer, but where proceeds are ring-fenced for specific use on eligible ‘gender’ activities, or as securitisations referencing a pool of assets directly.

The state of the market

There are currently no dedicated guidance principles on how to issue a gender bond, nor any specific eligibility criteria for use of proceeds. Most bonds issued with a gender label have so far relied on the ICMA’s Social Bond Principles, the UN’s Sustainable Development Goals or the UN Women’s Empowerment Principles as reference standards.

As of March 2020, 13 gender-labelled bonds have been issued by a variety of entities, ranging from large commercial banks to NGOs, to multilateral development banks. These can be grouped into three categories:

The majority of gender bonds issued so far address financial inclusion of women and female entrepreneurship in emerging markets or access to leadership positions and gender-positive
corporate policies in developed markets. Missing from the market are companies that provide goods and services which disproportionately benefit women or bonds which look at women in the issuer’s supply chain.

Reporting on the impact of gender bonds also needs further attention. For financial inclusion bonds, few bonds go beyond the ‘loans disbursed’ metric to look at the impact they have on women’s lives. Similarly, for corporate behaviour bonds, it is not always clear whether the companies being lent to are required to improve on their current performance, and if so, how and at what rate.

By making it easy for both investors and issuers to understand what a gender bond is, the potential for market growth increases significantly.

While there is some interest in gender lens investing, no gender bond has yet been issued in sub-Saharan Africa. In our assessment, we focused on the countries with the most developed capital markets and most likely chance of success in the short and medium-term: Nigeria, Kenya and South Africa.

We concluded that issuance in a local market will not be straightforward outside of South Africa, due to mismatched expectations and relatively conservative investors:

Africa green bonds toolkit

Climate change is one of the greatest challenges of our time, requiring far more capital than governments alone can provide. Private sources of finance are needed. Tapping into the international capital markets, as well as domestic capital, will be critical.

Green Bonds are one tool that can offer the African capital markets an opportunity to leverage private capital at scale towards building a more climate-resilient, greener economy. Green Bonds have been an effective financial instrument to moving institutional capital to priority economic sectors in the global economy, promoting the development of climate-resilient, low carbon infrastructure that allows for equitable and sustainable development. Globally the green bond market has grown tremendously in recent years, with issuances totalling USD257.7bn in 2019 (CBI, 2020).

In 2020, we partnered with the Climate Bonds Initiative (CBI) to develop a practical guide to issuing green bonds for Africa. This Green Bond Toolkit has been developed to provide the African capital markets with guidance on how to issue green bonds that are in line with international best practices and standards. The Toolkit provides a backdrop to the development of the market and features successful examples of green bond issuances that have emerged out of Africa – such as Acorn Holdings in Kenya and Access Bank in Nigeria.

FSD Africa also supports Green Bond programmes in Nigeria and Kenya, click here to read more.

Islamic finance toolkit

The Islamic finance industry has expanded rapidly over the past decade where its total assets reached over $2.1 trillion in 2018, spreading across dozens of countries and covering primarily Islamic banking, capital markets, and insurance sectors.

Islamic finance has also been integrated within the global financial system as a universal alternative financial proposition appealing to Muslims and Non-Muslims alike. In fact, many international financial hubs including London, Hong Kong, and Luxembourg, have created enabling environments for Islamic finance to thrive in their jurisdictions and issued sovereign Sukuk (Islamic bonds) to further support their Islamic finance infrastructure.

However, despite having great potential in the continent, the Islamic finance industry in Africa remains relatively underdeveloped where its share of the industry’s total assets is around 1% in spite of Africa being home to 27% of the world’s Muslim population. Similarly, Africa accounted for only 2.2% of global Sukuk issuances between 2001 – 2017, showing the underdevelopment of Islamic capital markets in the continent and signifying the untapped potential of Sukuk in the region.

In an attempt to address the aforementioned challenge, we sponsored the development of this Islamic Finance Toolkit by Islamic Finance Advisory & Assurance Services (IFAAS) for the benefit of the African policymakers and regulators to demystify the key founding principles, structures, and products of Islamic finance, shed light on the industry potential in Africa, and how Islamic finance could be used to achieve the key strategic development objectives of African governments.

Sustainable economic development in Africa depends on long-term finance

Long-term finance is vital to driving Africa’s economic growth and development. Africa currently faces significant long-term finance gaps in the real and social sectors. FSD Africa estimates that the funding gap for SMEs, infrastructure, housing and agribusiness is over USD 300bn per year that is currently not being met.

Significant strides have been made during the past decade to enhance financial inclusion across Africa. These improvements in the outreach of financial markets were made possible due to the rapid uptake of digital financial services. The use of new delivery modes, such as agent banking and mobile phones, to send and receive payments has completely reformed the financial sector’s outreach to remote, previously excluded users. While still more at the experimental stage, digital platforms increasingly enable the provision of financial services relating to savings, credit and insurance.

However, although inclusion of a large segment of the population as senders and recipients of dal payments certainly serves to empower a previously marginalized segment of the population, it does little to promulgate the core function of financial markets. The purpose of financial intermediation is to enhance the economy’s productive potential by facilitating more optimal allocation of scarce resources. Channeling capital to the most needed uses will contribute to meeting investors risk/return objectives while also augmenting the growth potential of African economies.

When compared to the ‘inclusion revolution’ of the last 10-20 years, progress in enhancing access to investment finance resulting in greater productive employment has been disappointing. Increasing the availability of long-term finance will support investments in the housing, infrastructure and enterprise sectors thereby, directly creating job opportunities. In addition, such investment in social and real sector projects will enhance productivity, and thereby contribute to poverty alleviation through potential sustained increases iosable incomes.

One of the key challenges faced by investors has been the lack of good quality information and information asymmetry on long-term finance. Enhancing domestic capacity in the provision of long-term finance is crucial to filling the sizeable long-term financing gaps that apply almost universally to the African infrastructure, housing and enterprise sectors. Only by harnessing the contribution of long-term finance made available by the private sector will African countries effectively leverage the limited resources made available by the public sector and by donors. Often, African policymakers are confronted with challenges in balancing large and invariably well-justified expenditure demands with very limited fiscal resources, and as a result governments resort to domestic security issuance to fund their current expenditures.

As investors find it more attractive to put their money in ‘risk-free’ government-issued securities, increased issuance of such securities reduces the willingness of loinvestors (banks and institutional investors) to take part in funding risky productive investments. In order to stem this ‘crowding out’ of risk-capital by the government, a concerted effort is required to strengthen management of fiscal resources; to better utilize existing sources of long-term funding, as provided by banks and institutional investors; as well as to develop new sources of domestic funding. Over time capital market financing may come to play a larger role in filling the financing gap that exists in developing economies, provided the approach adopted is appropriately tailored to the development challenges faced by small, underdeveloped markets.

In conclusion, the objective of promoting sustainable economic growth and job creation through greater provision of long-term finance is crucial for Africa and its people. It is imperative that decision-makers, both policymakers, investors, development finance institutions as well as development partners embrace measures that will enhance productivvestment in support of Africa’s economic development.

The Long-Term Finance Initiative

We have collaborated with the German Development Cooperation (GIZ), African Development Bank (AfDB) and the Centre for Affordable Housing Finance (CAHF) to support the Long-Term Finance Initiative, which has two main interventions:

  1. The Long-Term Finance Scoreboard:

The purpose of the Scoreboard is to assemble information about the sources and uses of long-term finance in Africa – whether provided by governments, donors, foreign direct investors or the domestic private sector. Previously, information and data on the availability of long-term finance in Africa has been scarce, spread across numerous sources, or simply unavailable. Thus, the intention of the long-term finance initiative is both to bring together existing sources of information as assembled by third parties and to augment the availability of data as regards long-term finance through collection of primary data. The Scoreboard also provides bench-marking that will facilitate comparison of how countries are performing vis-à-vis one another, thereby engendering interest and applying peer pressure among countryakeholders.

The purpose of the Scoreboard is to provide information to policy makers, private investors – both domestic and foreign investors – and development partners to support their decision-making as regards investments in Africa. The pilot website currently under development will be published in the coming months with a view to soliciting feedback and enhancing the scope and quality information provided.

Link to the live and online scoreboard: http://afr-ltf.com

  1. In-country diagnostics:

The purpose of in-country diagnostics is to identify effective ways to deepen local markets for long-term finance. By mobilizing local, private sources of finance and more effectively leveraging funding provided by the public sector, African economies will gradually be able to reduce reliance on donor funding and foreign direct investment. The diagnostic framework is based on a comprehensive approach to long-term finance that ranges from contributions of governments, donors, and private sector funding, whether provided by local or foreign investors, to funding intermediated by banks and capital markets, and other sources of private finance, such as private equity or venture capital.

The intention is that country diagnostics will inform country reform programs and create momentum for dialogue among key public and private sector stakeholders, thereby enhancing the focus and effectiveness of implementation efforts.,

How personal relationships can bank the unbanked in Africa

Opinion article originally published on Business Day Nigeria.

Over the past decade, financial institutions have altered their view of unbanked rural populations from an impossible challenge to a fragment of society with real untapped potential.

But how do you deliver banking services to hard-to-reach communities? People who live where there is little infrastructure yet still need to buy goods, pay school fees and save for emergencies?

Recent technological developments have shown that banks can offer financial services without growing their branch network or installing more ATMs.

Financial institutions are now working with agents – local entrepreneurs who have established a business – for example a retail outlet, to provide basic banking services in the customer’s own neighbourhood.

This dynamic is known as agency banking. It enables banks to increase their reach with greater cost efficiency and it isn’t just the banks that benefit: jobs are created, local businesses grow and money flows through communities.

EquiCongo uses agency banking to reach customers in far-flung corners of the country who would otherwise be excluded from the banking ecosystem.

Reaching women

In Nigeria, Diamond Bank – recently acquired by Access Bank – developed an agent network with a focus on serving women. With 70% of women unable to access bank accounts or other basic financial services, Diamond Bank designed innovative savings schemes and rural credit that delivered financial services to women in their own communities.

The results have been impressive with 600,000 new accounts opened. This goes to show that women value the convenience and reassurance of agents who they trust, as they know them personally. This secret lies both in the power of personal relationships and word-of-mouth.

The power of digital

Digital technologies, such as the mobile phone, are central to successful agency banking models. According to the GSMA, a global organisation representing the interests of mobile operators, there has been an increase in both the number of active agents and the values they transact. In 2012, agents processed US$4.2bn in transactions. By 2017 this figure had jumped to US$17.2bn. Over the same period, the number of agents also increased significantly from 538,000 to nearly 2.9 million globally.

However, technology alone is not a quick fix. Across our work at FSD Africa – a UK-Aid funded organisation working to transform Africa’s financial markets – we see time and again that human relationships are key to unlocking financial services for unbanked populations. From a customer’s perspective, financial services become tangible and legitimate when delivered through trusted and well-known agents in their respective communities.

Roving agents 

Recognising the importance of human relationships, banks are also turning to roving agents. These agents, with their door-to-door customer service, have reinforced the relationship between the bank and its customers, resul more customer-centric design and provision of financial services.

Nigeria’s Diamond Bank has roving agents dubbed ‘Beta Friends’, who directly market and sell savings and loan products to unbanked market traders, growing the bank’s customer base. Beta Friends visit market traders at their places of trade and help them open bank accounts and make transactions. They also assess loan applications, make recommendations to the bank’s credit officers and collect repayments.

Roving agents allow customers to save time and costs associated with having to visit a branch or an ATM. Women, caregivers and others unable to travel to bank branches also benefit from this model.

More than banking

FSD Africa has supported banks in Nigeria, Ghana and the Democratic Republic of Congo to establish successful agency banking models, bringing services to over two million unserved and underserved customers.

To scale up the model, international development organisations should pitch in to providand technical support. Equally, financial and insurance institutions should invest in agency research and training.

Over the coming years, agency banking will play an important role in financial inclusion, which is critical to the long-term reduction of poverty and economic growth in Africa. It’s now down to the commitment of all stakeholders to enable access to the financial products necessary to support and grow this band of game-changing innovators

Central bank digital currency: friend or foe of mobile money in sub-Saharan Africa?

Many claim that Central Bank Digital Currency (CBDC), formally known as Digital Fiat Currency, can have many benefits for financial inclusion and has the potential to impact mobile money. But can CBDC overcome the challenges that current mobile money providers and consumers face?

First things first; what is “Central Bank Digital Currency”. Simply put, CBDC is a digital representation of physical cash. As its digital alternative, CBDC is interchangeable with physical cash on a one-to-one basis as valid legal tender, and adopts all three of cash’s key features: a unit of account; a store of value; and a universally accepted means of exchange between transacting parties. The distinction between CBDC and private cryptocurrencies are summarised below.

Figure 1. Digital Fiat Currency compared to Private Cryptocurrencies

Source: Cenfri, 2018

So, what’s the relevance of CBDC to financial inclusion?

CBDC has the potential to digitise the entire payments value chain, from the first to the last mile in a more cost-effective and efficient way. Cenfri’s 2018 report The benefits and potential risks of digital fiat currencies finds that CBDC, unlike cryptocurrencies, can promote adoption through network effects because of the key features that is shares with cash. CBDC’s speed, efficiency and safety (being backed by the Central Bank) introduces much needed trust in digital payment mechanism, something that is lacking in private cryptocurrencies and mobile money. And trust is critical where money is involved. Trust means that CBDC could eventually be adopted along the entire value chain (like cash) and hence could promote financial inclusion at all levels of society.

But what about mobile money specifically?

Mobile money may be a leader in “banking the unbanked” but the phenomenon still faces obstacles that undermine its uptake and use, as shown in the figure below.

Figure 2. Key supply and demand cost drivers of mobile money in SSA

Source: Cenfri 2019, based on data from various literature sources

The application of retail CBDC to mobile money can foster greaterinteroperability, improve payment efficiency, facilitate cost-saving gains and reduce key payment risks typically associated with mobile money. CBDC can also enable trust in mobile financial services due to its safety and the way in which its speed eases liquidity constraints of mobile-money agents. CBDC also eliminates the need for unnecessary third-party intermediaries and so streamlines payment clearance at the same time as enabling true interoperability.

How about the downsides of CBDC?

If CBDC is not implemented appropriately it could exacerbate contextual inequalities along the lines of digital, financial and economic disparities between population segments and also intensify the complexity of mobile money. For example, if not everyone has a mobile phone then only those that do can access CBDC; and if only certain areas have network coverage then only those in those areas can access CBDC; and so on. CBDC could threaten the intermediation role of traditional deposit-taking. CBDC could also exacerbate poor uptake of mobile money (e.g. due to illiteracy) simply because of CBDC’s (perceived) complexity. If everywhere you can only pay in CBDC then it may make the gap between illiterate and literate users even wider. The more vulnerable segments of the population, as primary unstructured supplementary service data (USSD) customers, could also be at greatest risk of identity fraud.

So what can be done to avoid these risks?

CBDC can bring maximum benefits to mobile money and financial inclusion if it meets certain pre-conditions. The basic principles to avoid these risks lie with governments and the enabling financial environment they create in their respective countries. Governments need to ensure appropriate and effective legislation and anti-money laundering and combatting the financing of terrorism regulation, as well as the implementation of robust consumer protection laws and national cyber-security defences. We know that that some developing economies lack these key laws – or lack the ability to uphold the legislation, even if it does exist. Through our Risk, Remittances and Integrity Programme, FSD Africa is partnering with Cenfri to combat these challenges by helping countries implement appropriate regulation that enables low-cost, efficient, domestic and cross-border payments to enable inclusive financial systems to operate at scale, and positively impact broader economic development.

It’s clear mobile money presents a significant use case for CBDC in the drive towards financial inclusion, but not without risks. If governments, supported by development partners, address these concerns, the impact of CBDC on mobile money could not only be positive, but could also contribute to significantly greater financial inclusion and better economic integration altogether.

You can delve deeper into the role of CBDC in delivering financial services to the unbanked and CBDC’s applicability to mobile money by downloading Cenfri’s latest report “Central Bank Digital Currency and its use cases for financial inclusion; a case for mobile money”