Author: Kihingu Inc

The growth of M-shwari in Kenya: a market development story

M-Shwari (meaning ‘calm’ in Kiswahili) is a combined savings and loans product launched through a collaboration between the Commercial Bank of Africa (CBA) and Safaricom. The M-Shwari account is issued by CBA but must be linked to an M-Pesa mobile money account provided by Safaricom. The only way to deposit into, or withdraw from, M-Shwari is via the M-Pesa wallet.

M-Shwari aims to deepen and diversify the consumption and income benefits of M-Pesa by providing clients with a facility to save and by offering credit beyond a user’s networks of family and friends. Surveys of M-Shwari users confirm that they mainly save and borrow to manage fluctuations in their cash flow and to cope with unexpected needs.

M-Shwari was launched in January 2013 and by the end of 2014 it boasted 9.2 million savings accounts (representing 7.2 million individual customers) and had disbursed 20.6 million in loans to 2.8 million borrowers. In 2013, only 19% of M-Shwari users were below the national poverty line; this had increa 30% by the end of 2014. It can be expected that the proportion of poorer users will grow over time, as usage amongst higher income groups approaches saturation.

The key point is that as a result of M-Shwari, millions of poor Kenyans now use savings and credit services that help them manage risks, mitigate the impact of shocks and, increasingly, invest in improving their livelihoods. M-Shwari was launched in November 2012, yet its scale means it has already changed the nature of the market, and is serving as a platform for the development of innovative new products.

FSD Kenya was instrumental in bringing M-shwari to the market in Kenya. It’s approach was one of using analysis to determine actions, in particular understanding the demand side of the financial sector – the ‘poor and the money’. FSD Kenya also encouraged a first principles approach to product development (i.e. seeking to understand poor clients and then design a product that responds specifically to their needs). From this wider market ent perspective, the sheer scale and seemingly unabated continued growth of M-Shwari and competitor products has changed the landscape of digital finance services in Kenya.

Read the full case study here.,

Crowdfunding in East Africa: a regulator-led approach to market development

Earlier in 2016, FSD Africa partnered with the Cambridge Centre for Alternative Finance (CCAF) and Anjarwalla & Khanna to conduct a regulatory review of different crowdfunding models across Kenya, Tanzania, Uganda and Rwanda. This project is now in its final stages and we look forward to publishing the report in full in December 2016. The CCAF will also be launching the inaugural Africa & Middle East Alternative Finance Report to coincide with this.  In anticipation, here are some key findings to whet your appetites.

Crowdfunding is fast taking shape across East Africa – particularly non-financial return based models such as rewards and donations crowdfunding. However, return-based equity and loan-based crowdfunding are really only starting to emerge. The recent Allied Crowds and FSD Africa report highlights these supply-side trends well. Such FinTech models require careful and considerate attention from financial regulators in East Africa to catalyse and harness their potential positive economic and social benefits whilst addressing systemic and consumer risks and challenges.

The upcoming report highlights some key priority regulatory and policy areas necessary for market development in Kenya, Uganda, Rwanda and Tanzania while drawing on insights & experience from the UK, the USA, Malaysia, New Zealand and India.

Some of the key findings include the following:

  • There is no bespoke or specific crowdfunding regulation in East Africa or South Africa.
  • Non-financial return-based models dominate market activity in East Africa.
  • Financial return-based loan and equity models are only in the very earliest stages.
  • Loan- and equity-based models dominate total global activity, and account for the majority of market activity in more established markets, while donation- and rewards account for a small percentage of total market activity.

As for next steps, new crowdfunding regulations in East Africa are not recommended at the moment. Instead, other regulator-led, market development initiatives should be considered including:

  • A living database of all, existing, regulator-acknowledged platforms in East Africa.
  • Regulator engagement opportunities – to bring together the East African crowdfunding industry, practitioners, experts, potential funders and fundraisers.
  • Develop a regional regulatory laboratoryr ‘Sandbox’ to guide crowdfunding businesses through the relevant regulatory processes and requirements.
  • Regulators should encourage the East African crowdfunding platforms to build a regionally-focused industry association to undertake self-regulation and institute guidelines and principles to foster innovation while protecting investors.

The report goes into a great deal of depth covering markets in East Africa and other more established crowdfunding markets. It also provides useful guidance for crowdfunding platforms that are seeking to establish operations in these countries as well as hopefully encouraging platforms operating elsewhere to consider East Africa as a market to provide their innovative financial crowdfunding services.

We would like to thank the large number of contributors who have made this research possible including a wide array of regulators from the Capital Market Authorities, Central Banks and Communication Authorities of Kenya, Rwanda, Uganda and Tanzania asl as the host of experts, crowdfunding platforms and other policymakers that have generously provided their expertise and insight.

The report will be made freely available in December 2016. Follow up, in-depth workshops led by CCAF will be conducted in January 2017 in Rwanda, Tanzania, Uganda and Kenya with the various regulatory bodies. FSD Africa will stand ready to support regulators beyond this process.

Getting ready for take-off?

What needs to be done to get Executive Coaching operating effectively in Nigeria? And why does this matter?

The executive and business coaching market in Nigeria can best be described as ‘nascent’, according to research conducted by Creative
Metier
 on behalf of FSD Africa on ‘Building the Market for Executive Coaching in Nigeria.’ It is estimated that there are only between 10 and 20 credible, accredited and experienced executive coaches in the country – for a population of about 174 million people. There is also no locally available coach training course that offers a route to internationally recognised accreditation. The Nigerian market includes both accredited and non-accredited coaches, but with an emphasis on life and spiritual coaching. From the research, “there are coaches coaching in the corporate space but they are life coaches…, so companies are not seeing the impact of coaching on the business side.”

Low coaching supply is also compounded by low levels of demand; with low levels of understanding the link between coaching and business results alluded to above. One coach interviewed in the study stated that, “there is confusion in understanding the three terms: coaching, mentoring and consulting.”

Business leaders also expect coaches to have knowledge appropriate to the industries where executives are being coached, as well as a strong track record and ‘gravitas’, on top of their coaching skills. A banking HR Director stated that acceptance of a coach would entail, “how successful you have been in what you have done? If the coach cannot impress me, I’ll be switched off.”

Harvard Business Review (HBR) survey on coaching looked into the question of value and concluded that value is provided to both Executives and businesses – “As the business environment becomes more complex, [leaders] will increasingly turn to coaches for help in understanding how to act. The kind of coaches I am talking about will do more than influence behaviors; they will be an essential part of the leader’s learning process, providing knowledge, opinions, and judgment in critical areas. However, the study also cautions – A big problem that tomorrow’s professional coaching firm must resolve is the difficulty of measuring performance….”

A further study by Price Waterhouse Coopers (PWC) listed the following benefits from Executive Coaching:

  • 80% of coaching clients report a positive change in work performance, communication skills, interpersonal skills, and relationships
  • 7% of coaching clients report “very satisfied
  • 2% say they would repeat it under same circumstances
  • Individual clients have seen a median return of 3.44 times the investment.

Lack of information in the Nigerian market is the largest current barrier to the industry’s growth. This information gap can be readily addressed by:

  • Education on what coaching is, how it differs from other capacity building leadership initiatives, and what it is not;
  • Information on accredited coaches in the market and minimum accreditation requirements;
  • Information on the business case for coaching and evidence of its impact.

FSD Africa believes that coaching in Nigeria could be poised for take-off, although effective demand is currently low, there is an appreciation amongst market participants that coaching is an enabler of business success, and resolving these informational gaps will serve to catalyse the markets’ growth.

Building trust – why banking needs to be more personal

In Edelman’s annual study on levels of trust in industries, the Financial Services industry once again came bottom, as they have done for the last 5 years. Although the industry has been recovering from its lows in the early 2010s, only 51% of people have trust in the sector. To put that in perspective, 9% of people have more trust in the Telecommunications industry and a whopping 23% have more trust in Technology companies (who have come top the last 5 years).

This “trust gap” exists all over the world and I was reminded of it on a recent visit to Nigeria. There, as part of one of our partners product launch, I met a lady who told me that she had recently signed up to one of the banks’ new services. When asked why, she said that on three previous occasions she had trusted a local Susu[1], who had then run-off with her savings. To be clear, the “trust gap” is not only an issue for women; many men face similar issues when dealing with formal financial institutions.

That is the heart of the problem. Financial management is difficult and we often entrust our hard earned cash to someone who, we hope, has our best interest at heart. But the world is full of people whose trust has been abused on financial matters. Almost everyone knows someone who was affected by the failure of a bank, defrauded by business associate (like that Susu) or trusted the wrong family member.

In this “low-trust” environment, financial institutions are increasingly battling these stories, as well as a lack of trust in the services they offer. Nowhere is this more evident than in the continued exclusion of women from financial services in developing countries. Despite being 40% of the world’s workforce, across the world, women owned businesses are experiencing a funding gap of $260billion to $320billion per year.

This is striking and becomes even more surprising when one understands that women are better at repaying loans. Not only that, they use money more productively and use financial services more frequently. This makes women profitable and, because of the high exclusion rates, a key target demographic to expand a client base.

Nevertheless, bringing women on board is not a top priority for many CEOs in the financial space. There is a catch; women, who are much more cautious when it comes to adoption of new products, are harder to gain as clients in the first place. In our work with Women’s World Banking and Diamond Bank in Nigeria we endeavour to increase the number of female clients by changing incentive structures for on-boarding agents, employ more female agents for outreach and designing products specifically targeting women.

Although we have brought on board many new clients of both genders, women are a smaller percentage than we would like (below 50%). Which takes us back to the issue of trust. The lady in Nigeria, had to be cheated out of her money three times before she considered approaching a formal financial service provide. That tells us that the level of mistrust of formal financial institutions is much higher than we want to admit.

Organisations such as FSD Africa, whose core mission is to develop financial markets that are responsive to the broader developmental needs of African economies and peopleneed to find better ways to reaching women and young people who are disproportionately excluded from financial services.

Our work with Women’s World Banking and our partner institutions Diamond Bank (Nigeria) and NMB (Tanzania) is to develop new products that seek to target these groups. One of the key learnings from our work is that products need to be well communicated to the target group and this often takes time. That is why Diamond Bank’s Agent Network in Nigeria has developed specific pitches for potential female clients. These go beyond a generic sales script, which is usually sufficient to bring on board male clients. The agents are educated on how to build trust with the customer and demonstrate that access to financial services gives them better security, improves their record-keeping and gives them greater financial control.

There are a number of other factors that limit women’s financial access. For example, many African countries remain highly patriarchal and women are less likely to be literate than men. Changing these attitudes takes time but ultimately, developing women’s ability to use savings and credit products will foster greater financial independence and increase gender equality.

Overcoming the “trust gap” is hard and that is why FSD Africa seeks to create long-term financial market impact, for both men and women. We understand that increasing financial inclusion is not just about the individual customer – our Change Management interventions seek to revolutionise the way financial institutions see and interact with their potential clients.

The “trust gap” exists for both men and women and relates to almost all Financial Service Providers. Consequently, FSD Africa is always looking for new partners that share their view on developing financial systems across the continent. If you or your institution are interested in building out services, as our partners have done, please reach out to us. FSD Africa will be speaking at the MasterCard Foundation Event in Kigali on the 20th and 21st of October 2016.

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[1] Informal savings channel in West Africa, usually operated by one person for a number of market traders).

Credit on the cusp

Building healthy credit markets in Africa by 2026

African economies are currently undergoing dramatic changes, including a changing consumer base.  Absolute poverty is reducing as a new class of consumer—the cusp group—emerges.  This group (we call “cuspers”), which now accounts for 23% of sub-Saharan Africa’s population, covers a segment of active earners getting by on $2-$5 per day and straddling the formal and informal worlds.  For this group, healthy credit markets could expand opportunity and enable upward mobility, helping to build a true middle class.  But, for this to happen, credit needs to expand and to do so in healthy ways.

In the Credit on the Cusp project, we look at the experience of cusp group borrowers and the lenders who serve them in three distinctive markets—South Africa, Ghana, and Kenya—to better understand what healthy credit market development would mean for this group.  We explore some ways donors and policymakers can help build credit marable upward mobility for Africa’s cuspers

A review of some of Africa’s housing finance markets

Overview

Across Africa, the residential investment opportunity is increasingly driving conversations about economic growth. While the definition of who is middle class and how many such households there are continue, the fact of Africa’s rising population and rapid urbanisation is palpable in its cities where the inadequate housing conditions of the majority are obvious.

For every problem, there is an opportunity for a solution, and in increasingly creative ways, this is what Africa’s housing investors are finding.

Most investment funds currently active were initiated when the African growth trajectory was on an upward curve. The past year has been challenging, however. Still among the fastest growing continents, Africa has seen its growth and development prospects seriously challenged by global economic pressures, the commodities downturn and the slowing Chinese economy. Where the prospects of oil and gas discoveries dominated the news five years ago, in 2016 it is their loss in value ng governments reconsider their economic development strategies. The key challenge in this environment, is economic diversification. Can housing contribute towards that opportunity?

Governments can contribute significantly to a developer’s ability to deliver affordable housing at scale, by paying attention to the rough spots along the housing value chain: the availability of land, its servicing (especially water and electricity), and its registration;
the availability of domestic building materials and a functioning construction sector; the time it takes to get administrative approvals for the building process, and the cost of such approvals; the taxation, finance and macro-economic framework; and the functioning of the labour market, among so many other factors.

Read full report from”http://housingfinanceafrica.org”>CAHF here.,

A tale of two markets

Imagine Johannesburg, with its highways, traffic signals, shopping malls, chain restaurants and supermarkets. Now picture Nakuru, a small Kenyan town, filled with old, narrow roads clogged with tuk-tuks and street vendors, pushing themselves shoe-less into the traffic and hauling heavy hand-drawn carts stacked with goods that will fill the small, owner-operated shops and kiosks, 10 on every block. If you were getting by on $5 per day, where would you rather live?

Reproduced from CGAP

Click here to read more,

Next thought Monday: beyond ‘Africa rising’ – the emergence of the not-quite middle class

The past five years or so have seen a number of exuberant studies and predictions that Africa’s rapid growth was creating a new middle class. This new group of consumers, it was argued, would become an engine of domestic demand, reducing reliance on exports and sustaining economic growth in the same way as they have in China. There were even predictions that this new middle class would transform governance and politics. This was the hopeful and optimistic story of “Africa Rising.”

Click here to read more

Payroll lending in Zambia

In March 2016, the Zambian government approved proposals to redesign the royalty regime for mining companies.  This involved introducing a new methodology for calculating Mineral Royalty Tax (MRT), linked to the prevailing copper price. Because mines can take several years to become profitable and start paying tax on those profits, MRT is an effective way for the government to get some tax revenue up front, rather than having to wait for mining operations to turn a profit.  The lack of clarity around MRT had been another major problem for an industry which had been battling to adjust to a collapse in global commodity prices and which had had to lay thousands of workers off.

For the 900,000 Zambians in formal employment, many of whom are mine workers, having a job also means having access to credit.  Banks like lending to salaried workers especially when they can do a bulk deal with the employer to make loans available to an entire workforce and collect the repayments through the payroll.  It’s efficien for the banks, more secure.

In fact, as FSD Africa research now shows, payroll lending now accounts for a third of all loans in the Zambian banking system and has emerged as the largest contributor to commercial bank loan portfolio growth every year since 2011. For several banks, payroll loans account for well over half of their total loan book. Government employees are responsible for nearly three quarters of outstanding loan schemes in mid-2014 and had the highest incidence of multiple borrowing.

Always controversial, payroll lending undoubtedly fuels consumer spending but, for those who have a payslip, it also provides financial access and a measure of economic empowerment.  For example, spending on housing in Zambia rose by 117% from 2006 to 2010, and much of this can be attributed to the availability of payroll loans.  But the reality is that lenders pay little attention to the reasons for borrowing. They make credit decisions based on the creditworthiness of the employer rather than of the borrow And so an environment develops in which in which the credit assessment process is relatively simple and there are strong incentives to over-lend.

Getting the right regulatory balance is therefore a big challenge.  Easy credit in an unfettered environment sees consumers “dance with the devil”, and with little protection.  Stifle access to credit and consumers are denied the opportunity to, quite literally, put a roof on their house.

Take, for example, the case of Mopani Copper Mines. Mopani is the biggest mining employer in Zambia according to Bloomberg, Africa’s second-largest copper producer, with 20,000 workers. At the end of 2015, the Lusaka Times reported that 3,051 workers were being laid off in response to the fall in the price of copper as part a debt reduction strategy by Glencore, Mopani’s owner.  Many of those laid off had loans outstanding to commercial banks.  These banks, it was alleged, had prior access to the retrenchment compensation that the workers were entitled to, with the rorkers received far less cash compensation than they were expecting.

The devil is the detail but it is the detail that can create disastrous outcomes for people in living in vulnerable circumstances.  Events like Mopani shine a spotlight on the relationship between labour markets and financial markets (is Mopani a story about workers’ rights or consumers’ rights?) and on the effectiveness of the contractual arrangements behind these loans.  What did the loan agreements actually say?  When the mine worker signed the loan agreement confirming that he understood all the terms and conditions (T&Cs), did he really understand them?  Did anyone test that?  Who actually explained the T&Cs to him – the bank? The employer? – and how much time did anyone actually take to explain the T&Cs?

The Zambian authorities have moved to deal with the threats posed by payroll lending.  The Banking and Financial Services Act limits the total amount of debt repayments and other deductions to 60% of gross i a minimum of 40% of gross pay as take-home or disposable pay.  Interest rate caps were imposed on micro-lenders in January 2013 in a well-meant attempt to keep the lid on the cost of borrowing for consumers:  the caps have, rightly, been removed now because they seemed to be having no dampening effect on the payroll lending industry and were even encouraging lenders to pursue lending strategies that were introducing systemic risk into the market.

Now, the Bank of Zambia, with support from FSD Africa, has launched a Market Monitoring System that will regularly gather much more granular data on credit market developments and trends so that problems can be picked up at an early stage.

It goes without saying that consumer protection is vital but so too is access to finance and we must strive to put in place a framework which allows credit markets to develop responsibly but which also safeguards borrowers’ legitimate interests and rights.

What is critical is that there should be proactive and well-informedulation of credit markets with appropriate weight given to market conduct regulation, alongside the traditional approach of supervising the soundness of financial institutions.  Today, too few financial market regulators in Africa have the right institutional structure or capacity to manage the development of credit markets effectively.  Central banks should not think they can do this in their spare time. This is a significant problem at a time when there is a need for more responsible credit in Africa and when digital finance is introducing all sorts of opportunities but also threats

Payroll lending in Zambia: a dance with the devil?

In March 2016, the Zambian government approved proposals to redesign the royalty regime for mining companies.  This involved introducing a new methodology for calculating Mineral Royalty Tax (MRT), linked to the prevailing copper price. Because mines can take several years to become profitable and start paying tax on those profits, MRT is an effective way for the government to get some tax revenue up front, rather than having to wait for mining operations to turn a profit.  The lack of clarity around MRT had been another major problem for an industry which had been battling to adjust to a collapse in global commodity prices and which had had to lay thousands of workers off.

For the 900,000 Zambians in formal employment, many of whom are mineworkers, having a job also means having access to credit.  Banks like lending to salaried workers especially when they can do a bulk deal with the employer to make loans available to an entire workforce and collect the repayments through the payroll.  It’s efficientfor the banks, more secure.

In fact, as FSD Africa research now shows, payroll lending now accounts for a third of all loans in the Zambian banking system and has emerged as the largest contributor to commercial bank loan portfolio growth every year since 2011. For several banks, payroll loans account for well over half of their total loan book. Government employees are responsible for nearly three quarters of outstanding loan schemes in mid-2014 and had the highest incidence of multiple borrowing.

Always controversial, payroll lending undoubtedly fuels consumer spending but, for those who have a payslip, it also provides financial access and a measure of economic empowerment.  For example, spending on housing in Zambia rose by 117% from 2006 to 2010, and much of this can be attributed to the availability of payroll loans.  But the reality is that lenders pay little attention to the reasons for borrowing. They make credit decisions based on the creditworthiness of the employer rather than of the borrower.  And so an environment develops iich in which the credit assessment process is relatively simple and there are strong incentives to over-lend.

Getting the right regulatory balance is therefore a big challenge.  Easy credit in an unfettered environment sees consumers “dance with the devil”, and with little protection.  Stifle access to credit and consumers are denied the opportunity to, quite literally, put a roof on their house.

Take, for example, the case of Mopani Copper Mines. Mopani is the biggest mining employer in Zambia according to Bloomberg, Africa’s second-largest copper producer, with 20,000 workers. At the end of 2015, the Lusaka Times reported that 3,051 workers were being laid off in response to the fall in the price of copper as part a debt reduction strategy by Glencore, Mopani’s owner.  Many of those laid off had loans outstanding to commercial banks.  These banks, it was alleged, had prior access to the retrenchment compensation that the workers were entitled to, with the result that workers received far less ation than they were expecting.

The devil is the detail but it is the detail that can create disastrous outcomes for people in living in vulnerable circumstances.  Events like Mopani shine a spotlight on the relationship between labour markets and financial markets (is Mopani a story about workers’ rights or consumers’ rights?) and on the effectiveness of the contractual arrangements behind these loans.  What did the loan agreements actually say?  When the mineworker signed the loan agreement confirming that he understood all the terms and conditions (T&Cs), did he really understand them?  Did anyone test that?  Who actually explained the T&Cs to him – the bank? The employer? – and how much time did anyone actually take to explain the T&Cs?

The Zambian authorities have moved to deal with the threats posed by payroll lending.  The Banking and Financial Services Act limits the total amount of debt repayments and other deductions to 60% of gross income, leaving a minimum of 40% of gro-home or disposable pay.  Interest rate caps were imposed on micro-lenders in January 2013 in a well-meant attempt to keep the lid on the cost of borrowing for consumers:  the caps have, rightly, been removed now because they seemed to be having no dampening effect on the payroll lending industry and were even encouraging lenders to pursue lending strategies that were introducing systemic risk into the market.

Now, the Bank of Zambia, with support from FSD Africa, has launched a Market Monitoring System that will regularly gather much more granular data on credit market developments and trends so that problems can be picked up at an early stage.

It goes without saying that consumer protection is vital but so too is access to finance and we must strive to put in place a framework which allows credit markets to develop responsibly but which also safeguards borrowers’ legitimate interests and rights.

What is critical is that there should be proactive and well-informed regulation of credit markets with appiate weight given to market conduct regulation, alongside the traditional approach of supervising the soundness of financial institutions.  Today, too few financial market regulators in Africa have the right institutional structure or capacity to manage the development of credit markets effectively.  Central banks should not think they can do this in their spare time. This is a significant problem at a time when there is a need for more responsible credit in Africa and when digital finance is introducing all sorts of opportunities but also threats